Fake News, sore losers, and elections
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“The spread of fake news in Peru demonstrates the importance of the role of electoral bodies in their educational function. Both the ONPE and the JNE show that the best course of action is proactive and transparent information. Moreover, it’s evident that merely refuting fake news isn’t enough, as they will continue to circulate and be shared.”
In Anne Applebaum’s “Twilight of Democracy,” there’s an anecdote that highlights the role of the media in politics. At a 2020 conference, partially organized by the Hungarian government, the current Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orbán, was introduced. In Hungary’s context, it’s the only European country that has closed a university, placed academic institutions under direct government control, and employed a combination of political pressure and financial means to control most of the press. When attendees questioned Orbán about his political strategies, he emphasized the importance of not sharing power with other parties and having media support. “At the back of the room where the press was seated, some people laughed. The rest of the room nodded, not laughing at all: they agreed and understood.”
In a full democracy, a free and unbiased press acts as a necessary counterbalance against potential abuse of power. The information provided by the media is vital for citizens to make informed decisions. The role of the media is especially crucial during election campaigns when parties and politicians present their proposals. Hence, elections provide an ideal space to study the behavior of the press and its audiences concerning information provided by politicians. Therefore, the recent Peruvian election offers certain lessons about the media’s role in contentious electoral processes and the role of electoral institutions in dealing with fake news.
Sore Losers and Biased Media
Between April and July 2021, Peru witnessed its most polarized electoral process since its return to democracy in 2000. The Second Presidential Election featured Keiko Fujimori (Fuerza Popular) and Pedro Castillo (Perú Libre). Days after the process concluded, despite a difference of tens of thousands of votes in the results, Fujimori, much like former President Donald Trump, refused to acknowledge her defeat. Supported by various actors, she claimed before the media the existence of electoral fraud that, to this day, lacks evidence. Fujimori’s statements were accompanied by false or manipulated information questioning the integrity of the process and the role of electoral bodies.
Unfortunately, Fujimori and Trump are not the only cases of fake news pushed by politicians. Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s former prime minister, stated that the opposition’s agreement to oust him was the “fraud of the century,” claiming to be the victim of a “deep state” conspiracy. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro declared in 2018 that he would only lose the election if there was fraud, without ever providing material evidence to support such claims. In less institutionalized countries like Myanmar, baseless and evidence-lacking assertions have been used to seize power, suppress media, or imprison opposition figures.
Misinformation and fake news have a more significant impact where there is distrust towards institutions, parties, and politicians. This condition is particularly prevalent in Latin America and, notably, in the Peruvian case, where trust in political parties has progressively declined year after year. While in 2018, trust in Latin America was 13%, in Peru, it stood at 7%. Between October 2019 and March 2020, according to a report by Peru’s National Institute of Informatics and Statistics, the least reliable institutions were political parties (3%) and the Congress (4.3%).
Added to these figures indicating a crisis in Peruvian institutions is the role of the media and its political stance during the 2021 electoral process. The Peruvian press fell short of providing secure, reliable, and impartial information. A survey by the Institute of Peruvian Studies (IEP) showed that, in the Second Presidential Election, 59% of respondents considered that the main TV channels, radio stations, and newspapers favored a particular candidate. In contrast, only 35% believed the media remained impartial.
An example of this disproportionate media coverage, mostly favoring Fujimori, was the Sunday program “Cuarto Poder” on Canal América. In this program, several journalists mentioned that the new director, Gilberto Hume, stated “the company was concerned about Castillo’s candidacy and that a position against him had to be taken.” Journalists also pointed out that topics related to Fujimori’s campaign financing were censored, and reports were edited. These events led to the resignation of eight members of this program on June 8, 2021.
In a context where traditional media was not considered trustworthy by citizens, social media also played a significant role in disseminating information. However, these channels were flooded with fake news about both candidates, their electoral campaigns, the actions of electoral bodies, and post-election events. During the Second Presidential Election, PerúCheck, a collaborative journalism alliance for fact-checking, identified over 25 fake news items related to the electoral process. Fake news covered a wide range of topics, from alleged calls for civil war in Puno against a supposed Fujimori-favoring fraud (the video corresponded to demonstrations in Bolivia in 2019) to alleged irregularities in the electoral roll, deceased people voting, and misappropriation of electoral records.
Addressing Fake News: The Role of Electoral Bodies
Faced with a disproportionate amount of fake news questioning the legitimacy of the electoral process, both the National Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE) and the National Jury of Elections (JNE) employed various strategies to debunk this misinformation and conduct digital literacy and public education. For this purpose, both bodies used their social media to fact-check, verify information, and inform about its accuracy. ONPE, primarily, used its Twitter account to evaluate and debunk circulated information, while JNE created a “Technical Fact-Checking Committee” to verify shared information on social media.
In both cases, the bodies debunked data, accusations, and even videos that did not correspond to the electoral process or were taken out of context. Each correction came with an explanation of the event and evidence disproving the shared information. In some cases, ONPE had to record tutorials on how to search for information on its website, read resolutions, understand the current electoral legislation, among other resources that enabled independent fact-checking.
Moreover, ONPE promoted information transparency before, during, and after the elections. To ensure result credibility, ONPE announced an initial report of results on its website through a live broadcast, updating both its website and social media every thirty minutes. This continuous update contributed to citizen confidence and peace of mind, allowing people to follow the process in real-time through their electronic devices. The proactive stance of Peruvian electoral bodies was acknowledged by the media, citizens, and international organizations.
Lessons from the Peruvian Experience
Following the Peruvian elections, Latin American electoral bodies have acknowledged the importance of combating fake news and the impact it has on organizing elections. This experience also unfolded in other elections, such as those in Mexico or Brazil’s political scenario. Hence, on Tuesday, August 17, representatives from electoral entities signed the declaration “The Impact of the Pandemic and Fake News on Electoral Processes.” This move enables these institutions to coordinate actions to combat fake news and misinformation.
The spread of fake news in Peru underscores the significance of the pedagogical role of electoral bodies. Both ONPE and JNE demonstrate that the best approach involves being proactive and transparent with information. Additionally, it’s clear that merely refuting fake news isn’t enough, as these falsehoods will continue to circulate and be shared. Institutions must also provide tools for critical news reading so that citizens can independently identify false, erroneous, or manipulated information. Promoting objective information, along with an obsession for data transparency, is a significant initial step towards strengthening democracy in Latin America.
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